Strategic Alignments and Ethnic Fragmentation:

Strategic Alignments and Ethnic Fragmentation:

The Political Role of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs in Sindh and Punjab (1947–2025)

Author:

Dr. Masood Tariq

Independent Political Theorist

Karachi, Pakistan

drmasoodtariq@gmail.com

Date: May 29, 2025

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Abstract

This research paper examines the strategic political mobilisation of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs in Pakistan and their role in exacerbating ethnic conflicts in Sindh and Punjab across different decades.

The study presents a historical and sociopolitical overview from 1947 to the present, analysing the changing political affiliations of the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir community and their influence on inter-ethnic alignments, particularly involving Sindhis, Punjabis, Pashtuns, and Baloch.

Drawing upon demographic data, political history, and scholarly literature, the paper argues that the recurring alignment of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs with successive national movements has contributed to both ethnic polarization and regional instability.

The study suggests that these alignments were not spontaneous but were often politically engineered to create ethnic divisions and suppress the development of organic ethnic nationalisms. While maintaining the dominance of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs.

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Table of Contents

(1). Introduction

(2). Muhajir Ascendancy in Early Pakistan

(3). Muhajir Mobilization and Ethnic Conflict in Sindh

(4). Punjab’s Quiet Resentment and Cultural Displacement

(5). MQM, Ethno-Nationalism, and the Militarization of Ethnic Politics

(6). Contemporary Dynamics and the Emergence of Multi-Ethnic Conflict Zones

(7). Replication of MPPM in Punjab: PTI and the Reconfiguration of Alliances

(. Demographic Overview: Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs in the 2017 Census

(9). Political Affiliations of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs (1947–2025)

(10). State Strategy and the Role of Media

(11). Conclusion

(12). References

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(1). Introduction

The migration of Urdu-speaking Indian Muslims to Pakistan during and after the 1947 Partition initiated complex demographic, political, and ethnic dynamics within the nascent state (Ansari, 2011).

These Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs, predominantly settled in urban centres such as Karachi, Hyderabad, Lahore, and Rawalpindi, became politically influential due to their bureaucratic experience, urban educational capital, and early dominance within the civil-military elite (Alavi, 1988; Talbot, 1998).

However, their political trajectory also reflects a pattern of strategic alignments that have had lasting implications on inter-ethnic relations in both Sindh and Punjab.

Punjabis form the largest ethnic population in Pakistan. However, since the creation of Pakistan, Punjabis have remained largely confined to agriculture, trade businesses, shopkeeping, government and private jobs, skilled professions, and cattle rearing. Punjabis neither learned nor played the game of politics (Shaikh, 2009).

In contrast, Urdu-speaking Muhajirs emerged as key players in bureaucratic, journalistic, and political sectors, shaping narratives and dominating urban policy-making (Alavi 1988, 23). Therefore, the political game in Pakistan was played by Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs.

Education, healthcare, industry, commerce, politics, and journalism are all concentrated in the major cities. Those living in the urban centres formulate the country’s policies. Controlling the big cities essentially means controlling the country. To control the country, one must control the media and be able to organize rallies and protests (Verkaaik, 2004).

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(2). Muhajir Ascendancy in Early Pakistan

At the time of Partition, the majority of Pakistan’s political and administrative elite came from Urdu-speaking, North Indian Muslim backgrounds. Lacking an indigenous elite class in the newly carved state of Pakistan, especially in Sindh, the state apparatus quickly became dominated by these migrant groups (Jalal, 1990).

Karachi, declared the federal capital, became the primary settlement area for the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs, who arrived with higher literacy rates, bureaucratic experience from British India, and cultural familiarity with colonial administrative systems (Ahmed, 1998).

This early dominance was further reinforced by the fact that Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs took over properties left behind by departing Hindus, especially in urban Sindh. Their control over education, media, and the civil service placed them at a considerable advantage vis-à-vis the indigenous Sindhi population, whose leadership was more rural and feudal, and less urbanized (Talbot, 2009).

In Punjab, although the Muhajirs did not dominate in numbers, they nevertheless held strategic bureaucratic positions in cities like Lahore, Rawalpindi Faisalabad, Gujranwala, Sialkot, Sargodha, Multan, Bahawalpur influencing language policies and state narratives (Khan, 2010).

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(3). Muhajir Mobilization and Ethnic Conflict in Sindh

In 1969, amid the shifting political landscape of Pakistan and emerging regional demands, Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs in Sindh facilitated the formation of the Muhajir Punjabi Pathan Muttahida Mahaz (MPPM). This alliance, while seemingly a multi-ethnic urban coalition, was primarily engineered to counter rising Sindhi nationalism, particularly the demand for Sindhi language recognition (Shaikh, 2009).

The MPPM was founded in 1969 under the leadership of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir Nawab Muzaffar Hussain, uniting the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs, Punjabis, and Pathans against the Sindhis. From 1969 to 1986, the MPPM organized rallies, protests, riots, arson, sieges, and disturbances to confront Sindhis and secure the socio-political and economic dominance of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs in Sindh (Ansari, 2011).

One of the earliest and most violent expressions of inter-ethnic conflict in Sindh occurred during the 1972 language riots. Following the passage of the Sindhi Language Bill—which made Sindhi the official language of the province—the Urdu-speaking population of Karachi and Hyderabad protested vehemently, viewing the legislation as an existential threat to their cultural identity and administrative influence (Ahmed, 1998).

Clashes between Sindhi nationalists and Muhajir youth groups resulted in the deaths of dozens and the further entrenchment of ethnic divides. The MPPM’s agitation campaigns during this period resulted in inter-ethnic violence that radicalized Sindhi youth, leading to the emergence of the Jeay Sindh Mahaz in 1972 under G.M. Syed (Ansari 2011, 139–142).

This confrontation contributed to the alienation of Punjabis and Pathans from Sindhi society, ultimately reducing their long-term integration into Sindh’s socio-political fabric. Sindh, which had been relatively multi-ethnic since Partition, began witnessing rising language compartmentalization in urban centres, especially Karachi and Hyderabad (Shaikh, 2009).

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(4). Punjab’s Quiet Resentment and Cultural Displacement

While overt conflict between Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs and Punjabis did not manifest in the same way as in Sindh, there was a more subtle, long-term cultural displacement that occurred in urban Punjab, especially in Lahore.

As the state promoted Urdu as the national language—a project heavily influenced and carried forward by Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir elites—Punjabi as a language and cultural medium was systematically marginalized (Khan, 2010).

The association of Urdu with modernity, nationalism, and upward mobility led to the gradual erosion of Punjabi in educational institutions, media, and elite circles.

Despite being the majority, Punjabis were taught to internalize Urdu not only as a unifying language but also as a marker of sophistication, indirectly contributing to the loss of their own linguistic and cultural identity (Zaidi, 2015).

This phenomenon created a quiet resentment among Punjabi intellectuals and nationalists, some of whom later joined movements to revive Punjabi literature, music, and education.

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(5). MQM, Ethno-Nationalism, and the Militarization of Ethnic Politics

By the late 1980s, the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) had become a formidable political force in Sindh, representing urban Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir interests in Karachi and Hyderabad.

MQM advocated for the creation of a separate administrative unit (often referred to as “Urban Sindh”) to safeguard Muhajir rights (Gayer, 2014).

However, the MQM aggressive rhetoric and frequent recourse to violence alienated other ethnic groups, particularly Sindhis and Pashtuns, and invited state crackdowns (Nasr, 1994).

The rise of MQM also forced Sindhi nationalist parties to reactivate and reframe their own demands, often invoking historical narratives of colonial injustice and post-Partition dispossession.

In Punjab, the rise of the MQM and its critique of the Punjabi-dominated military and establishment further complicated inter-ethnic narratives, as it exposed the fault lines within Pakistan’s power structures while masking the earlier privileges enjoyed by the Muhajirs themselves (Ahmed, 1998).

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(6). Contemporary Dynamics and the Emergence of Multi-Ethnic Conflict Zones

In the 21st century, Karachi has become a volatile multi-ethnic city with intense competition for political control between Muhajirs, Sindhis, Punjabis, Pashtuns, and Baloch.

Urban violence, extortion networks, and political assassinations have marked the city’s recent history. While MQM’s influence has waned, the grievances that fueled its rise remain unresolved (Gayer, 2014).

In Punjab, a quiet cultural revival is underway. Academic initiatives, civil society groups, and youth-led movements are reclaiming Punjabi language and history, while pushing back against decades of Urdu-centric state narratives.

There is increasing recognition among Punjabi scholars that their cultural marginalization was not only a result of internal apathy but also of structural policies rooted in the early dominance of Urdu-speaking elites (Zaidi, 2015; Pasha, 2018).

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(7). Replication of MPPM in Punjab: PTI and the Reconfiguration of Alliances

After the MQM was banned in August 2016 for anti-state activities, Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir elite began backing Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). Under the leadership of Pathan politician Imran Khan, Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir, Pathan, and Baloch living in Punjab were mobilized to start a confrontation with Punjabis.

After the decline of MQM in Sindh, Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir elite adopted a strategy in Punjab similar to the Muhajir Punjabi Pathan Muttahida Mahaz (MPPM). Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs residing in Punjab began supporting Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). By aligning with Pathans and Baloch, the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs started organizing PTI in Lahore, Rawalpindi, and other major cities of Punjab (Shah, 2021).

The support for PTI was, in fact, a strategic move by the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir elite to weaken Punjabi political leadership in Punjab. From 2016 to 2024, protests, rallies, and unrest in Lahore, Rawalpindi, and other urban centers of Punjab were part of this effort to reduce the political influence of Punjabis in Punjab.

The Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir elite mobilized Muhajirs, Punjabis, and Pathans in Sindh against the Sindhis under the platform of the Muhajir Punjabi Pathan Muttahida Mahaz (MPPM), led by the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir Nawab Muzaffar Hussain. Whereas, in Punjab, under the platform of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Pathans, Baloch, and Muhajirs were mobilized against Punjabis, with leadership provided by the Pathan Imran Khan. However, this gave rise to a wave of Punjabi nationalism in Punjab — a trend that had been suppressed at the state level since the creation of Pakistan in the name of Muslim nationalism.

Accepting the leadership of a Punjabi or Sindhi political figure has never aligned with the social attitudes or political interests of the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs in Pakistan. The refusal of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs to align politically with Punjabi or Sindhi leadership, except under conditions of perceived utility, reflects a historic pattern of political pragmatism (Alavi 1988, 30).

In Punjab, Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir elite adopted the same strategy they had once used against Sindhis in Sindh through the Muhajir Punjabi Pathan Muttahida Mahaz (MPPM). They built inter-ethnic alliances in urban areas, aligned themselves with popular political parties like PTI, and indirectly began to undermine the political influence of the Punjabi majority in Punjab.

As in Sindh—where confrontation of Sindhis was emerged with Punjabis and Pathans allied with the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs— a similar confrontation began in Punjab, confrontation of Punjabis with Pathans and Baloch allied with the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs. This dynamic began to politically damage the Pathans and Baloch in Punjab, who found themselves caught in the crossfire between the political maneuvers of the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir elite and the nationalist reaction of the Punjabis (Shah 2021).

Recent analyses suggest that Imran Khan and the PTI have largely adopted the tactics once used by the MQM to mobilize urban areas: a popular narrative, confrontation with state institutions, and street-level protests. This raises the question: has PTI become a continuation or evolution of MQM’s model of urban protest politics—but now at the national level and with a Pashtun face? (Fair 2022).

Viewed from this angle, Imran Khan is not merely a popular political leader, but a pawn in a deeper political strategy—one in which Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir elite is using him to create unrest in Punjab. The political use of Pashtun and Baloch minorities to keep the Punjabi majority in check in Punjab echoes a “divide and rule” policy reminiscent of both colonial and post-colonial politics.

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(. Demographic Overview: Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs in the 2017 Census

According to the 2017 Pakistan Census, Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs comprised approximately 7.08% of the population, with their distribution as follows:

Punjab: 5,356,464

Karachi: 5,278,245

Rural Sindh: 3,431,356

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP): 274,581

Islamabad: 244,966

Balochistan: 99,913

Former FATA: 24,465

(Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2017)

This demographic presence underscores the strategic positioning of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs in urban political and bureaucratic centres across Pakistan. The data reflects both their numerical strength and their capacity to influence electoral politics and policy direction.

According to Pakistan’s 2017 census, the population of the five cities with over two million residents was:

Karachi: 14,916,456

Lahore: 11,126,285

Faisalabad: 3,204,726

Rawalpindi: 2,098,231

Gujranwala: 2,027,001

These five cities had a combined population of 33.3 million. Among them:

15 million were Punjabis

10 million were Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs

5 million were Sindhi, Baloch, Brahui, and other ethnic groups

3.3 million were Pashtuns

Besides total control of the biggest city of Pakistan, Karachi, the second biggest city of Pakistan, Lahore, became the hub for religious and sectarian waves emanating from UP and CP (United Provinces and Central Provinces of India). It also became the epicentre of progressive movements opposing religious extremism, which—under the guise of progressivism—aggressively promoted the Urdu language (Talbot, 1998).

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(9). Political Affiliations of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs (1947–2025)

The political affiliations of the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir community reflect shifting alignments with power centres across Pakistan’s political history:

9-1. 1947–1951: Followers of Liaquat Ali Khan, Pakistan’s first Prime Minister and a key Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir leader, whose assassination marked the decline of early Muhajir influence.

9-2. 1951–1986: Supporters of Maulana Maududi and Jamaat-e-Islami, representing an ideological realignment towards Islamism during military rule.

9-3. 1986–2000: Backed Altaf Hussain and Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM), emerging as a powerful ethnolinguistic force asserting Muhajir identity in urban Sindh.

9-4. 2000–2018: Supported Pervez Musharraf, an Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir military ruler whose tenure was marked by attempts to restore Muhajir dominance in urban governance.

9-5. 2018–2025: Shifted to supporting Imran Khan and PTI, due to the absence of a viable Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir political leader, thereby aligning with a Pathan leader to maintain political relevance.

Each shift reflects a calculated engagement with national power, often bypassing regional or ethnic reconciliation. These alignments have repeatedly intensified ethnic grievances in Sindh and Punjab (Shah 2021, 62–64).

These affiliations indicate a pragmatic and often opportunistic pattern, wherein the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir elite repeatedly aligns with dominant political movements to secure institutional leverage, even at the cost of destabilizing inter-ethnic harmony (Shaikh, 2009).

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(10). State Strategy and the Role of Media

State institutions—particularly the military and intelligence agencies—have often viewed Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs as strategic assets, utilizing them to maintain a balance against indigenous ethno-nationalist forces. In Punjab, Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs and other non-Punjabi populations were employed as a “buffer” against the rising tide of Punjabi nationalism. A similar policy was pursued in Sindh and Balochistan, which in turn exacerbated political tensions in those regions.

Through state-controlled media and social media networks, the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir community was systematically provided with an alternative narrative—one that opposed the resurgence of Punjabi nationalism, language, and culture. These narratives often portrayed Punjabi cultural revival as synonymous with parochialism or separatism, in order to uphold the Urdu-speaking identity as a unifying national construct. The objective of this strategy was not only to suppress indigenous nationalist movements but also to keep the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs aligned with the state, thereby preempting any potential political dissent or demands for a distinct identity.

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(11). Conclusion

The political movements of Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajirs after 1947 reflect a deliberate strategy aimed at establishing dominance in urban centers. This strategy was typically implemented through temporary alliances, narrative formation, and embedding within the bureaucracy. Rather than promoting ethnic harmony and local representation, it deepened ethnic divisions, fostering an environment of persistent instability and conflict.

As a result of this strategy, indigenous ethnic populations in provinces like Sindh and Punjab were systematically marginalized. Their autonomy was compromised, and democratic balance was disrupted. Through disproportionate influence over the bureaucracy, media, and academic institutions, the Urdu-speaking Indian Muhajir elite undermined political equilibrium in Pakistan’s most linguistically diverse regions.

The role of Urdu-speaking Muhajirs—once considered the backbone of Pakistan’s bureaucracy, media, and intellectual elite—must be critically reassessed. While their contributions to Pakistan’s early development are undeniable, so too are the privileges they enjoyed (Jalal, 1990).

To understand Pakistan’s ethnic conflicts, it is essential to move beyond the simplistic narrative that blames only the Punjabi military or the Sindhi feudal elite. A sustainable solution is not possible without clearly acknowledging the historical injustices of the past and implementing meaningful reforms grounded in linguistic equality, historical justice, and inclusive governance. Without such change, the dream of lasting harmony in Pakistan will remain an uncertain prospect.

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(12). References

Ahmed, Feroz. Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998.

Alavi, H. (1988). Pakistan and Islam: Ethnicity and Ideology. Oxford University Press.

Ansari, Sarah. Life after Partition: Migration, Community and Strife in Sindh 1947–1962. Oxford University Press, 2005.

Gayer, Laurent. Karachi: Ordered Disorder and the Struggle for the City. Oxford University Press, 2014.

Jalal, Ayesha. The State of Martial Rule: The Origins of Pakistan’s Political Economy of Defence. Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Kennedy, Charles H. Bureaucracy in Pakistan. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1987.

Khan, M. A. The Politics of Language in Pakistan. Oxford University Press, 2010.

Nasr, Vali. The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution: The Jama’at-i Islami of Pakistan. University of California Press, 1994.

Pasha, Hafeez. Growth and Inequality in Pakistan: Agenda for Reforms. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2018.

Shah, S. A. (2021). Ethnic Conflict and Political Mobilization in Pakistan. South Asia Journal of Political Science.

Shaikh, F. (2009). Making Sense of Pakistan. Columbia University Press.

Talbot, Ian. Pakistan: A Modern History. Hurst & Company, 2009.

Verkaaik, O. (2004). Migrants and Militants: Fun and Urban Violence in Pakistan. Princeton University Press.

Yusuf, Huma. “Conflict Dynamics in Karachi.” United States Institute of Peace, 2012.

Zaidi, S. Akbar. Issues in Pakistan’s Economy: A Political Economy Perspective. Oxford University Press, 2015.

Newspapers archives: Dawn, The News, Jang, Kawish (1970–2024)

Pakistan Bureau of Statistics: Census Reports (1981, 1998, 2017)

Election Commission of Pakistan: Constituency-level Electoral Data (1988–2018)

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Author Biography

Dr. Masood Tariq is a Karachi-based politician and political theorist. He formerly served as Senior Vice President of the Pakistan Muslim Students Federation (PMSF) Sindh, Councillor of the Municipal Corporation Hyderabad, Advisor to the Chief Minister of Sindh, and Member of the Sindh Cabinet.

His research explores South Asian geopolitics, postcolonial state formation, regional nationalism, and inter-ethnic politics, with a focus on the Punjabi question and Cold War strategic alignments.

He also writes on Pakistan’s socio-political and economic structures, analysing their structural causes and proposing policy-oriented solutions aligned with historical research and contemporary strategy.

His work aims to bridge historical scholarship and strategic analysis to inform policymaking across South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East.